group even if no attack occurs.7 But that mechanism of cultural transmission is imperfect, and the ability to transfer stories with language is uniquely human. Human narratives’ power in inspiring fear lies in the fact that the information can be transmitted without any observation of the fear-inducing stimulus. If the narrative is strong enough to generate a salient emotional response, it can produce a strong reaction, such as an instinctual fight-or-flight response. Also universal are norms of polite conversations that facilitate the transmission of narratives. Basic politeness involves simple actions like looking at the person with whom one is speaking, and giving some indication of hello at the beginning of the conversation and good-bye at the end. These norms tend to flatter the other party. They are so engrained that, as experiments have shown, people are somewhat polite when conversing with computers too.8 Visitors to any human society will observe people facing each other, sitting around the television or the campfire, and talking—and, more recently, tweeting and posting to other social media—to learn others’ reactions, to seek feedback that will either confirm or disconfirm their thoughts. It seems that the human mind strives to reach an enduring understanding of events by forming them into a narrative that is embedded in social interactions. It has also been suggested that our species be called Homo musicus, man the musician, because composed music is found in all human cultures, but in no nonhuman species.9 Linguist Ray Jackendoff sees many parallels between mental processing of narrative and of music.10 In his book Music, Language, and the Brain, Aniruddh Patel concludes there is a “narrative tendency” in music.11 Purely instrumental music does exist, but when it is successful in the marketplace, it typically merges into program music or symphonic poems whose titles or movements suggested a story that stimulates the listener’s imagination. According to musicologist Anthony Newcomb, the classical symphony is in effect a “composed novel” that at least vaguely, emotionally, suggests a story.12 Conspiracy Theories in Narrative Popular narratives often have an underlying “us versus them” theme, a Manichaean tone that reveals the evil or absurdity of certain characters in the story. Jokes are quite often at somebody else’s expense—members of some other group. In extreme cases, they may focus on events as evidence of an imagined conspiracy. According to historian Richard Hofstadter, who offers many examples of unfounded conspiracy theories in US history, the narratives tend to show “almost touching concern with factuality,”13 despite often being almost absurd. Of course, it is rational for people to be alert to conspiracies, because history is filled with real conspiracies. But the human mind seems to have a built-in interest in conspiracies, a tendency to form a personal identity and a loyalty to friends based on the desire to protect oneself from the perceived plots of others. This disposition appears to be related to human patterns of reciprocity and of vengeance against presumed enemies, two tendencies that have been found relevant to economic behavior in terms of willingness to give in bargaining or eagerness to punish unfair behavior, even if doing so means economic loss.14 Story and Narrative The words narrative and story are often used interchangeably. But according to the Merriam-Webster online dictionary, a narrative is “a way of presenting or understanding a situation or series of events that reflects and promotes a particular point of view or set of values.”15 So a narrative is a particular form of a story, or of stories, suggesting the important elements and their significance to the receiver. Narratives generally take the form of some recounting of events, whether actual or fictional, though often the specific events described are little more than bits of color brightening a concept and making it more contagious. The human tendency to form simple narratives around even the most complex chains of events infects even the most analytical minds. Garry Kasparov, international chess grandmaster, commented from his own experience: The biggest problem was that even the players would fall into the trap of seeing each game of chess as a story, a coherent narrative with a beginning and a middle and a finish, with a few twists and turns along the way. And, of course, a moral at the end of the story.16 Historian Hayden White has emphasized the distinction between a historical narrative and a historical chronicle, which merely lists sequences of events: The demand for closure in the historical story is a demand, I suggest, for moral meaning, a demand that sequences of real events be assessed as to their significance as elements of a moral drama.17 Economists have tended to write theories as if a benevolent dictator can implement a specific plan to achieve the greatest social welfare. But we have no such planner. We do have people who can be selfish, altruistic, or both. These people can be influenced by stories.